On
this date, September 1, 1939, Adolf Hitler gave a speech at the Kroll Opera
House, telling the Reichstag: “Bombs will be met with bombs.”
Adolf
Hitler on wanting war.
[PHOTO
SOURCE: http://www.azquotes.com/quote/551231]
|
INTERNET SOURCE: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/history/world-war-two/6086385/World-War-2-Adolf-Hitlers-speech-to-Reichstag.html
World War 2: Adolf
Hitler's speech to Reichstag
Hitler
tells Reichstag: “bombs will be met with bombs".
7:43PM BST 31 Aug 2009
Article first published in the Daily Telegraph, Sept 2,
1939
Herr
Hitler to-day addressed the Reichstag, which met in the Kroll Opera House. The
diplomats’ box was filled as he entered, followed by Field Marshal Goering, and
he was greeted with a loud burst of cheering.
In
opening the proceedings, Marshal Goering said: “More than 100 members are not
among us because they are standing alongside the soldiers of the German army.
They will do their duty and the German Reichstag will do its duty now.”
As
Herr Hitler rose to speak there was more cheering. He said:
For
months we have been suffering under the torture of a problem which the
Versailles Treaty created – a problem which has deteriorated until it becomes
intolerable for us.
Danzig
was and is a German city. The Corridor was and is German. Both these
territories hold their cultural development exclusively to the German people.
Danzig was separated from us. The Corridor was annexed by Poland. As in other
German territories of the East, all German minorities living there have been
ill treated in the most distressing manner.
More
than a million people of German blood had, in the years 1919-1920, to leave
their homeland. As always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method
of making proposals for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position.
It
is a lie when the outside world said that we only tried to carry through our
revisions by pressure.
Fifteen
years before the National Socialist party came to power there was the
opportunity of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and
understanding. On my own initiative I have, not once but several times, made
proposals for the revision of intolerable conditions.
All
these proposals, as you know, have been rejected – proposals for limitation of
armaments and even, if necessary, disarmament, proposals for the limitation of
certain methods of modern warfare.
You
know the proposals that I have made to fulfil the necessity of restoring German
sovereignty over German territories.
You
know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification and understanding
of the problem of Austria and later of the problem of the Sudetenland. Bohemia
and Moravia. It was all in vain.
‘Versailles not law to us’ - “signature obtained by
force”
It
is impossible to demand that an impossible position should be cleared up by
peaceful revision and at the same time constantly reject peaceful revision. It
is also impossible to say that he who undertakes to carry out these revisions
for himself transgresses a law, since the Versailles “Diktat” is not law to us.
A
signature was forced out of us with pistols at our head and with the threat of
hunger for millions of people. And then this document, with our signature,
obtained by force, was proclaimed as a solemn law.
In
the same way I have also tried to solve the problem of Danzig the Corridor, and
so on, by proposing a peaceful discussion.
That
the problems had to be solved was clear. It is quite understandable to us that
the time when the problem was to be solved had little interest for the Western
Powers. But that time is not a matter of indifference to us.
Moreover,
it was not, and could not be, a matter of indifference to those who suffer
most.
In
my talks with Polish statesmen I discussed the ideas which you recognise from
my last speech to the Reichstag. No one could say that this was in any way an
inadmissible procedure or undue pressure.
I
then naturally formulated at last the German proposals, and I must once more
repeat that there is nothing more modest or loyal than these proposals.
I
should like to say this to the world. I alone was in the position to make such
proposals, for I know very well that in doing so I brought myself into
opposition to millions of Germans.
These
proposals have been refused. Not only were they answered first with
mobilisation, but with increased terror and pressure against our German
compatriots, of Danzig – economically, politically, and in recent weeks, by
military and transport means.
Poland
has directed its attacks against the free city of Danzig.
Moreover,
Poland was not prepared to settle the Corridor question in its reasonable way
which would be equitable to both parties, and she did not think of keeping her
obligations to minorities.
I
must here state something definitely: Germany has kept these obligations: the
minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted.
No
Frenchman can stand up and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory
is oppressed, tortured or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this.
For
four months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give
warnings. In the last few days I have increased these warnings.
I
informed the Polish Ambassador three weeks ago that if Poland continued to send
to Danzig notes in the form of ultimatums, if Poland continued its methods of
oppression against the Germans, and if on the Polish side an end was not put to
Customs measures destined to ruin Danzig’s trade, then the Reich could not
remain inactive.
Blaming Poland - failure of mediation proposals
I
left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of to-day with the
former Germany would be deceiving themselves.
An
attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they
had committed acts of provocation.
I
do not know in what these provocations on the part of women and children
consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in some cases killed. One thing I
do know – that no great Power can with honour long stand by passively and watch
such events.
I
made one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of
the British Government. They proposed, not that they themselves should carry on
the negotiations, but rather that Poland and Germany should come into direct
contact and once more to pursue negotiations.
I
must declare that I accepted this proposal, and I worked out a basis for these
negotiations which are known to you.
For
two whole days I sat with my Government and waited to see whether it was
convenient for the Polish Government to send a plenipotentiary or not.
Last
night they did not send us a plenipotentiary but instead informed us through
their Ambassador that they were still considering whether and to what extent
they were in a position to go into the British proposals.
The
Polish Government also said that they would inform Britain of their decision.
Deputies,
if the German Government and its leader patiently endured such treatment,
Germany would deserve only to disappear from the political stage. But I am
wrongly judged and if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for
weakness or even cowardice. I therefore decided last night, and informed the
British Government that in these circumstances I can no longer find any
willingness on the part of the Polish Government to conduct serious
negotiations with us.
These
proposals for mediation have failed because in the meanwhile there first of all
came as an answer the sudden Polish general mobilisation, followed by more
Polish atrocities. These were repeated last night.
Recently,
in one night, there were as many as 21 frontier incidents: last night there
were 14, of which three were quite serious.
I
have, therefore, resolved to speak to Poland in the same language that Poland
for months past has used towards us.
Italy thanked - no appeal for foreign help
When
statesmen in the West declare that this affects their interests. I can only
regret such a declaration. It cannot for a moment make me hesitate to fulfil my
duty.
What
more is wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it, that we ask
nothing of these Western States and never will ask anything. I have declared
that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one.
I
have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation
to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find
response on the other side.
Germany
has no interests in the West, and our Western Wall is for all time the frontier
of the Reich on the West. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind there for the
future. This attitude on the part of the Reich will not change.
The
other European States understand in part our attitude. I should like here above
all, to thank Italy, which throughout has supported us, but you will understand
that for the carrying on of this struggle we do not intend to appeal for
foreign help.
We
will carry out this task ourselves. The neutral States have assured us of their
neutrality, just as we had already guaranteed it to them.
With
this assurance we are in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not violate
their neutrality, we will likewise take every care to respect it.
I
am happy particularly to be able to tell you of one event. You know that Russia
and Germany are governed by two different doctrines. There was only one
question that had to be cleared up.
Germany
has no intention of exporting its doctrine. Given the face that Soviet Russia
has no intention of exporting its doctrine to Germany. I no longer see any
reason why we should still oppose one another. On both sides we are clear on
that.
Any
struggle between our people would only be of advantage to others. We have
therefore, resolved to conclude a pact which rules out forever any use of
violence between us.
Only military objectives - “whoever fights with gas”
It
imposes the obligation on us to consult together in certain European questions.
It makes possible for us economic co-operation, and above all it assures that
the powers of both these powerful States are not wasted against one another.
Every
attempt of the West to bring about any change in this will fail.
At
the same time, I should like here to declare that this political decision means
a tremendous departure for the future, and that it is a final one.
Russia
and Germany fought against one another in the world war. That shall and will
not happen a second time.
In
Moscow too this part was greeted exactly as you greet it. I can only endorse
word for word the speech of the Russian Foreign Commissary Molotov.
I
am determined to solve (1) the Danzig question, (3) the question of the
Corridor, and (3) to see to it that a change is made in the relationship
between Germany and Poland that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence.
In
this I am resolved to continue the fight until either the present Polish
Government is willing to bring about the change or until another Polish
Government is ready to do so.
I
am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the
everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it
that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that
on our other frontiers.
In
this I will take the necessary measures to see that they do not contradict the
proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the
world; that is to say I will not war against women and children.
I
have ordered my Air Force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives.
If, however, the enemy thinks he can from that draw carte blanche on his side
to fight by the other methods, he will receive an answer that will deprive him
of hearing and sight.
This
night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our own territory.
Since 5.45 a.m. we have been returning the fire. And, from now on, bombs will
be met with bombs. Whoever fights with poison gas will be fought with poison
gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we
shall do the same.
I
will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the
Reich and its rights are secured.
Goering as successor - “should anything happen to me”
For
six years now I have been working on the building up of the German defences. Or
90 milliards have in that time been spent on the building up of these defence
forces. They are now the best equipped, and are above all comparison with what
they were in 1914.
My
trust in them is unshakable. When I called up these forces, and when I now ask
sacrifices of the German people, and if necessary every sacrifice, then I have
a right to do so, for I also am to-day absolutely ready, just as we were
formerly, to make every personal sacrifice.
I
am asking of no German man more than I myself was ready throughout four years
at any time to do. There will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself
will not submit. My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people.
I
am from now on just First Soldier of the German Reich. I have once more put on
that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again
until victory is secured or I will not survive the outcome.
Should
anything happen to me in the struggle then my first successor is Party Comrade
Goering. Should anything happen to Party Comrade Goering my next successor is
Party Comrade Hess. You would then be under obligation to give to them as
Fuehrer the same blind loyalty and obedience as to myself.
Should
anything happen to Party Comrade Hess, then by law the Senate will be called
and will choose from its midst the most worthy – that is to say, the bravest
successor.
As
a National Socialist and as German soldier I enter upon this struggle with a
stout heart. My whole life has been nothing but one long struggle for my
people, for its restoration and for Germany.
There
was only one watchword for that struggle, faith in this people. One word I have
never learned, that is, surrender.
If,
however, anyone thinks that we are facing a hard time, I should ask him to
remember that once a Prussian King with a ridiculously small State opposed a
stronger coalition, and in three wars finally came out successful because that
State had that stout heart that we need in these times.
I
would, therefore, like to assure all the world that a November 1918 will never
be repeated in German history.
Just
as I myself am ready at any time to stake my life – anyone can take it for my people
and for Germany – so I ask the same of all others.
Whoever
thinks he can oppose this national command, whether directly or indirectly, he
shall fall. We have nothing to do with traitors.
We
are all faithful to our old principle. It is quite unimportant whether we
ourselves live, but it is essential that our people shall live, that Germany
shall live.
The
sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice that many
generations have made.
If
we form a community closely bound together by vows, ready for anything,
resolved never to surrender, then our will will master every hardship and
difficulty.
And
I would like to close with the declaration that I once made when I began the
struggle for power in the Reich. I then said: “If our will is so strong that no
hardship and suffering can subdue it, then our will and our German might shall
prevail.”
Herr Hitler then moved a Bill entitled
“The Law for the Reunion of Danzig with the German Reich”. It was passed with
acclamation. – Reuter and British United Press.
Political
cartoon depicts the murderous actions of Adolph Hitler and Joseph Stalin.
[PHOTO SOURCE: http://www.markville.ss.yrdsb.edu.on.ca/history/american/websites/HIST10/andy_zeelie.htm]
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INTERNET SOURCE: http://www.worldwarii.org/p/hitler-speeches.html
Germany Could No Longer Remain Idle
By Adolf Hitler
September 1, 1939
For
months we have been suffering under the torture of a problem which the
Versailles Diktat created - a problem which has deteriorated until it becomes
intolerable for us. Danzig was and is a German city. The Corridor was and is
German. Both these territories owe their cultural development exclusively to
the German people. Danzig was separated from us, the Corridor was annexed by
Poland. As in other German territories of the East, all German minorities
living there have been ill-treated in the most distressing manner. More than 1,000,000
people of German blood had in the years 1919-1920 to leave their homeland.
As
always, I attempted to bring about, by the peaceful method of making proposals
for revision, an alteration of this intolerable position. It is a lie when the
outside world says that we only tried to carry through our revisions by
pressure. Fifteen years before the National Socialist Party came to power there
was the opportunity of carrying out these revisions by peaceful settlements and
understanding. On my own initiative I have, not once but several times, made
proposals for the revision of intolerable conditions. All these proposals, as
you know, have been rejected - proposals for limitation of armaments and even,
if necessary, disarmament, proposals for limitation of warmaking, proposals for
the elimination of certain methods of modern warfare. You know the proposals
that I have made to fulfill the necessity of restoring German sovereignty over
German territories. You know the endless attempts I made for a peaceful clarification
and understanding of the problem of Austria, and later of the problem of the
Sudetenland, Bohemia, and Moravia. It was all in vain.
It is
impossible to demand that an impossible position should be cleared up by
peaceful revision and at the same time constantly reject peaceful revision. It
is also impossible to say that he who undertakes to carry out these revisions
for himself transgresses a law, since the Versailles Diktat is not law to us. A
signature was forced out of us with pistols at our head and with the threat of
hunger for millions of people. And then this document, with our signature,
obtained by force, was proclaimed as a solemn law.
In the
same way, I have also tried to solve the problem of Danzig, the Corridor, etc.,
by proposing a peaceful discussion. That the problems had to be solved was
clear. It is quite understandable to us that the time when the problem was to
be solved had little interest for the Western Powers. But that time is not a
matter of indifference to us. Moreover, it was not and could not be a matter of
indifference to those who suffer most.
In my
talks with Polish statesmen I discussed the ideas which you recognize from my
last speech to the Reichstag. No one could say that this was in any way an
inadmissible procedure on undue pressure. I then naturally formulated at last
the German proposals, and I must once more repeat that there is nothing more
modest or loyal than these proposals. I should like to say this to the world. I
alone was in the position to make such proposal, for I know very well that in
doing so I brought myself into opposition to millions of Germans. These
proposals have been refused. Not only were they answered first with
mobilization, but with increased terror and pressure against our German compatriots
and with a slow strangling of the Free City of Danzig - economically,
politically, and in recent weeks by military and transport means.
Poland
has directed its attacks against the Free City of Danzig. Moreover, Poland was
not prepared to settle the Corridor question in a reasonable way which would be
equitable to both parties, and she did not think of keeping her obligations to
minorities.
I must
here state something definitely; German has kept these obligations; the
minorities who live in Germany are not persecuted. No Frenchman can stand up
and say that any Frenchman living in the Saar territory is oppressed, tortured,
or deprived of his rights. Nobody can say this.
For four
months I have calmly watched developments, although I never ceased to give warnings.
In the last few days I have increased these warnings. I informed the Polish
Ambassador three weeks ago that if Poland continued to send to Danzig notes in
the form of ultimata, and if on the Polish side an end was not put to Customs
measures destined to ruin Danzig's trade, then the Reich could not remain
inactive. I left no doubt that people who wanted to compare the Germany of
to-day with the former Germany would be deceiving themselves.
An
attempt was made to justify the oppression of the Germans by claiming that they
had committed acts of provocation. I do not know in what these provocations on
the part of women and children consist, if they themselves are maltreated, in
some cases killed. One thing I do know - that no great Power can with honour
long stand by passively and watch such events.
I made
one more final effort to accept a proposal for mediation on the part of the
British Government. They proposed, not that they themselves should carry on the
negotiations, but rather that Poland and Germany should come into direct
contact and once more pursue negotiations.
I must
declare that I accepted this proposal, and I worked out a basis for these
negotiations which are known to you. For two whole days I sat in my Government
and waited to see whether it was convenient for the Polish Government to send a
plenipotentiary or not. Last night they did not send us a plenipotentiary, but
instead informed us through their Ambassador that they were still considering
whether and to what extent they were in a position to go into the British
proposals. The Polish Government also said that they would inform Britain of
their decision.
Deputies,
if the German Government and its Leader patiently endured such treatment
Germany would deserve only to disappear from the political stage. But I am
wrongly judged if my love of peace and my patience are mistaken for weakness or
even cowardice. I, therefore, decided last night and informed the British
Government that in these circumstances I can no longer find any willingness on
the part of the Polish Government to conduct serious negotiations with us.
These
proposals for mediation have failed because in the meanwhile there, first of
all, came as an answer the sudden Polish general mobilization, followed by more
Polish atrocities. These were again repeated last night. Recently in one night
there were as many as twenty-one frontier incidents: last night there were
fourteen, of which three were quite serious. I have, therefore, resolved to
speak to Poland in the same language that Poland for months past has used
toward us. This attitude on the part of the Reich will not change.
The other
European States understand in part our attitude. I should like here above all
to thank Italy, which throughout has supported us, but you will understand that
for the carrying on of this struggle we do not intend to appeal to foreign
help. We will carry out this task ourselves. The neutral States have assured us
of their neutrality, just as we had already guaranteed it to them.
When
statesmen in the West declare that this affects their interests, I can only
regret such a declaration. It cannot for a moment make me hesitate to fulfill
my duty. What more is wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it,
that we ask nothing of those Western States and never will ask anything. I have
declared that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one. I have
repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to
Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find response
on the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, and our western wall
is for all time the frontier of the Reich on the west. Moreover, we have no
aims of any kind there for the future. With this assurance we are in solemn earnest,
and as long as others do not violate their neutrality we will likewise take
every care to respect it.
I am
happy particularly to be able to tell you of one event. You know that Russia
and Germany are governed by two different doctrines. There was only one
question that had to be cleared up. Germany has no intention of exporting its
doctrine. Given the fact that Soviet Russia has no intention of exporting its
doctrine to Germany. I no longer see any reason why we should still oppose one
another. On both sides we are clear on that. Any struggle between our people
would only be of advantage to others. We have, therefore, resolved to conclude
a pact which rules out for ever any use of violence between us. It imposes the
obligation on us to consult together in certain European questions. It makes
possible for us economic co-operation, and above all it assures that the powers
of both these powerful States are not wasted against one another. Every attempt
of the West to bring about any change in this will fail.
At the
same time I should like here to declare that this political decision means a
tremendous departure for the future, and that it is a final one. Russia and
Germany fought against one another in the World War. That shall and will not
happen a second time. In Moscow, too, this pact was greeted exactly as you
greet it. I can only endorse word for word the speech of Russian Foreign
Commissar, Molotov.
I am
determined to solve (1) the Danzig question; (2) the question of the Corridor;
and (3) to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany
and Poland that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to
continue to fight until either the present Polish government is willing to
continue to bring about this change or until another Polish Government is ready
to do so. I am resolved t remove from the German frontiers the element of
uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I
will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely
similar to that on our other frontiers.
In this I
will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the
proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the
world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have
ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If,
however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to
fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of
hearing and sight.
This
night for the first time Polish regular soldiers fired on our territory. Since
5.45 A.M. we have been returning the fire, and from now on bombs will be met by
bombs. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever
departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the
same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety
of the Reich and its rights are secured.
For six
years now I have been working on the building up of the German defenses. Over
90 millions have in that time been spent on the building up of these defense
forces. They are now the best equipped and are above all comparison with what
they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable. When I called up these
forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the German people and if necessary
every sacrifice, then I have a right to do so, for I also am to-day absolutely
ready, just as we were formerly, to make every possible sacrifice.
I am
asking of no German man more than I myself was ready throughout four years at
any time to do. There will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself will
not submit. My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people. I am
from now on just first soldier of the German Reich. I have once more put on
that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again
until victory is secured, or I will not survive the outcome.
Should
anything happen to me in the struggle then my first successor is Party Comrade
Goring; should anything happen to Party Comrade Goring my next successor is
Party Comrade Hess. You would then be under obligation to give to them as
Fuhrer the same blind loyalty and obedience as to myself. Should anything
happen to Party Comrade Hess, then by law the Senate will be called, and will
choose from its midst the most worthy - that is to say the bravest - successor.
As a
National Socialist and as German soldier I enter upon this struggle with a
stout heart. My whole life has been nothing but one long struggle for my
people, for its restoration, and for Germany. There was only one watchword for
that struggle: faith in this people. One word I have never learned: that is,
surrender.
If,
however, anyone thinks that we are facing a hard time, I should ask him to
remember that once a Prussian King, with a ridiculously small State, opposed a
stronger coalition, and in three wars finally came out successful because that
State had that stout heart that we need in these times. I would, therefore,
like to assure all the world that a November 1918 will never be repeated in
German history. Just as I myself am ready at any time to stake my life - anyone
can take it for my people and for Germany - so I ask the same of all others.
Whoever,
however, thinks he can oppose this national command, whether directly of
indirectly, shall fall. We have nothing to do with traitors. We are all
faithful to our old principle. It is quite unimportant whether we ourselves
live, but it is essential that our people shall live, that Germany shall live.
The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice that
many generations have made. If we form a community closely bound together by
vows, ready for anything, resolved never to surrender, then our will will
master every hardship and difficulty. And I would like to close with the
declaration that I once made when I began the struggle for power in the Reich.
I then said: "If our will is so strong that no hardship and suffering can
subdue it, then our will and our German might shall prevail."
September 1, 1939.
6 am. German troops start moving into Poland
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