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Hitler movement is Christian
[PHOTO SOURCE: https://www.pinterest.com/explore/hitler-quotes/]
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REMINDER: Keep in mind, I am not anti-Semitic
and I have Jewish friends too. I do it for educational purposes.
INTERNET
SOURCE: http://www.hitler.org/speeches/04-12-22.html
MUNICH
SPEECH
OF APRIL 12, 1922
AFTER
the War production had begun again and it was thought that better times were
coming, Frederick the Great after the Seven Years War had, as the result of
superhuman efforts, left Prussia without a penny of debt: at the end of the
World War Germany was burdened with her own debt of some 7 or 8 milliards of
marks and beyond that was faced with the debts of 'the rest of the world' - the
so-called 'reparations.' The product of Germany's work thus belonged not to the
nation, but to her foreign creditors: 'it was carried endlessly in trains for
territorities beyond our frontiers.' Every worker had to support another
worker, the product of whose labor was commandeered by the foreigner. 'The
German people after twenty-five or thirty years, in consequence of the fact
that it will never be able to pay all that is demanded of it, will have so
gigantic a sum still owing that practically it will be forced to produce more
than it does today.' What will the end be? and the answer to that question is
'Pledging of our land, enslavement of our labor-strength. Therefore, in the
economic sphere, November 1918 was in truth no achievement, but it was the
beginning of our collapse.' And in the political sphere we lost first our
military prerogatives, and with that loss went the real sovereignty of our
State, and then our financial independence, for there remained always the
Reparations Commission so that 'practically we have no longer a politically
independent German Reich, we are already a colony of the outside world. We have
contributed to this because so far as possible we humiliated ourselves morally,
we positively destroyed our own honor and helped to befoul, to besmirch, and to
deny everything which we previously held as sacred.' If it be objected that the
Revolution has won for us gains in social life: they must be extraordinarily
secret, these social gains - so secret that one never sees them in practical
life - they must just run like a fluid through our German atmosphere. Some one
may say 'Well, there is the eight-hour day!' And was a collapse necessary to
gain that? And will the eight-hour day be rendered any more secure through our
becoming practically the bailiff and the drudge of the other peoples? One of
these days France will say: You cannot meet your obligations, you must work more.
So this achievement of the Revolution is put in question first of all by the
Revolution.
Then
some one has said: 'Since the Revolution the people has gained Rights. The
people governs!' Strange! The people has now been ruling three years and no one
has in practice once asked its opinion. Treaties were signed which will hold us
down for centuries: and who has signed the treaties? The people? No!
Governments which one fine day presented themselves as Governments. And at
their election the people had nothing to do save to consider the question:
there they are already, whether I elect them or not. If we elect them, then
they are there through our election. But since we are a self-governing people,
we must elect the folk in order that they may be elected to govern us.
Then
it was said, 'Freedom has come to us through the Revolution.' Another of those
things that one cannot see very easily! It is of course true that one can walk
down the street, the individual can go into his workshop and he can go out
again: here and there he can go to a meeting. In a word, the individual has
liberties. But in general, if he is wise, he will keep his mouth shut. For if
in former times extraordinary care was taken that no one should let slip
anything which could be treated as lèse-majesté, now a man must take much
greater care that he doesn't say anything which might represent an insult to
the majesty of a member of Parliament.
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In boundless love as a Christian and as a man
I read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at last rose in His
might and seized the scourge to drive out of the Temple the brood of vipers and
of adders.
[PHOTO SOURCE: http://www.azquotes.com/quote/870497]
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And
if we ask who was responsible for our misfortune, then we must inquire who
profited by our collapse. And the answer to that question is that 'Banks and
Stock Exchanges are more flourishing than ever before.' We were told that
capitalism would be destroyed, and when we ventured to remind one or other of
these famous statesmen and said 'Don't forget hat Jews too have capital,' then
the answer was: 'What are you worrying about? Capitalism as a whole will now be
destroyed, the whole people will now be free. We are not fighting Jewish or
Christian capitalism, we are fighting very capitalism: we are making the people
completely free.'
Christian
capitalism' is already as good as destroyed, the international Jewish Stock
Exchange capital gains in proportion as the other loses ground. It is only the
international Stock Exchange and loan-capital, the so-called 'supra-state
capital,' which has profited from the collapse of our economic life, the
capital which receives its character from the single supra-state nation which
is itself national to the core, which fancies itself to be above all other
nations, which places itself above other nations and which already rules over
them.
The
international Stock Exchange capital would be unthinkable, it would never have
come, without its founders the supra-national, because intensely national,
Jews....
The
Jew has not grown poorer: he gradually gets bloated, and, if you don't believe
me, I would ask you to go to one of our health-resorts; there you will find two
sorts of visitors: the German who goes there, perhaps for the first time for a
long while, to breathe a little fresh air and to recover his health, and the
Jew who goes there to lose his fat. And if you go out to our mountains, whom do
you find there in fine brand-new yellow boots with splendid rucksacks in which
there is generally nothing that would really be of any use? And why are they
there? They go up to the hotel, usually no further than the train can take
them: where the train stops, they stop too. And then they sit about somewhere
within a mile from the hotel, like blow-flies round a corpse.
These
are not, you may be sure, our working classes: neither those working with the
mind, nor with the body. With their worn clothes they leave the hotel on one
side and go on climbing: they would not feel comfortable coming into this
perfumed atmosphere in suits which date from 1913 or 1914. No, assuredly the
Jew has suffered no privations! . . .
While
now in Soviet Russia the millions are ruined and are dying, Chicherin - and
with him a staff of over 200 Soviet Jews - travels by express train through
Europe, visits the cabarets, watches naked dancers perform for his pleasure,
lives in the finest hotels, and does himself better than the millions whom once
you thought you must fight as 'bourgeois.' The 400 Soviet Commissars of Jewish
nationality - they do not suffer; the thousands upon thousands of
sub-Commissars -they do not suffer. No! all the treasures which the
'proletarian' in his madness took from the 'bourgeoise' in order to fight
so-called capitalism - they have all gone into their hands. Once the worker
appropriated the purse of the landed proprietor who gave him work, he took the
rings, the diamonds and rejoiced that he had now got the treasures which before
only the 'bourgeoisie' possessed. But in his hands they are dead things - they
are veritable death-gold. They are no profit to him. He is banished into his
wilderness and one cannot feed oneself on diamonds. For a morsel of bread he
gives millions in objects of value. But the bread is in the hands of the State
Central Organization and this is in the hands of the Jews: so everything,
everything that the common man thought that he was winning for himself, flows
back again to his seducers.
And
now, my dear fellow-countrymen, do you believe that these men, who with us are
going the same way, will end the Revolution? They do not wish the end of the
Revolution, for they do not need it. For them the Revolution is milk and honey.
And
further they cannot end the Revolution. For if one or another amongst the
leaders were really not seducer but seduced, and today, driven by the inner
voice of horror at his crime, were to step before the masses and make his
declaration: 'We have all deceived ourselves: we believed that we could lead
you out of misery, but we have in fact led you into a misery which your
children and your children's children must still bear' - he cannot say that, he
dare not say that, he would on the public square or in the public meeting be
torn in pieces.
But
amongst the masses there begins to flow a new stream - a stream of opposition.
It is the recognition of the facts which is already in pursuit of this system,
it already is hunting the system down; it will one day scourge the masses into
action and carry the masses along with it. And these leaders, they see that
behind them the anti-Semitic wave grows and grows; and when the masses once
recognize the facts, that is the end of these leaders.
And
thus the Left is forced more and more to turn to Bolshevism. In Bolshevism they
see today the sole, the last possibility of preserving the present state of
affairs. They realize quite accurately that the people is beaten so long as
Brain and Hand can be kept apart. For alone neither Brain nor Hand can really
oppose them. So long therefore as the Socialist idea is coined only by men who
see in it a means for disintegrating a nation, so long can they rest in peace.
But
it will be a sorry day for them when this Socialist idea is grasped by a
Movement which unites it with the highest Nationalist pride, with Nationalist
defiance, and thus places the Nation's Brain, its intellectual workers, on this
ground. Then this system will break up, and there would remain only one single
means of salvation for its supporters: viz. to bring the catastrophe upon us
before their own ruin, to destroy the Nation's Brain, to bring it to the
scaffold - to introduce Bolshevism.
So
the Left neither can nor will help. On the contrary, their first lie compels
them constantly to resort to new lies. There remains then the Right. And this
party of the Right meant well, but it cannot do what it would because up to the
present time it has failed to recognize a whole series of elementary
principles.
In
the first place the Right still fails to recognize the danger. These gentlemen
still persist in believing that it is a question of being elected to a Landtag
or of posts as ministers or secretaries. They think that the decision of a
people's destiny would mean at worst nothing more than some damage to their
so-called bourgeois-economic existence. They have never grasped the fact that
this decision threatens their heads. They have never yet understood that it is
not necessary to be an enemy of the Jew for him to drag you one day, on the
Russian model, to the scaffold. They do not see that it is quite enough to have
a head on your shoulders and not to be a Jew: that will secure the scaffold for
you.
In
consequence their whole action today is so petty, so limited, so hesitating and
pusillanimous. They would like to - but they can never decide on any great
deed, because they fail to realize the greatness of the whole period.
And
then there is another fundamental error: they have never got it clear in their
own minds that there is a difference or how great a difference there is between
the conception 'National' and the word 'dynastic' or 'monarchistic.' They do
not understand that today it is more than ever necessary in our thoughts as
Nationalists to avoid anything which might perhaps cause the individual to
think that the National Idea was identical with petty everyday political views.
They ought day by day to din into the ears of the masses: 'We want to bury all
the petty differences and to bring out into the light the big things, the
things we have in common which bind us to one another. That should weld and
fuse together those who have still a German heart and a love for their people
in the fight against the common hereditary foe of all Aryans. How afterward we
divide up this State, friends - we have no wish to dispute over that! The form
of a State results from the essential character of a people, results from
necessities which are so elementary and powerful that in time every individual
will realize them without any disputation when once all Germany is united and
free.'
And
finally they all fail to understand that we must on principle free ourselves
from any class standpoint. It is of course very easy to call out to those on
the Left, 'You must not be proletarians, leave your class-madness,' while you
yourselves continue to call yourself 'bourgeois.' They should learn that in a
single State there is only one supreme citizen - right, one supreme citizen -
honor, and that is the right and the honor of honest work. They should further
learn that the social idea must be the essential foundation for any State,
otherwise no State can permanently endure.
Certainly
a government needs power, it needs strength. It must, I might almost say, with
brutal ruthlessness press through the ideas which it has recognized to be
right, trusting to the actual authority of its strength in the State. But even
with the most ruthless brutality it can ultimately prevail only if what it
seeks to restore does truly correspond to the welfare of a whole people.
That
the so-called enlightened absolutism of a Frederick the Great was possible depended
solely on the fact that, though this man could undoubtedly have decided
'arbitrarily' the destiny - for good or ill - of his so-called 'subjects,' he
did not do so, but made his decisions influenced and supported by one thought
alone, the welfare of his Prussian people. It was this fact only that led the
people to tolerate willingly, nay joyfully, the dictatorship of the great king.
AND
THE RIGHT HAS FURTHER COMPLETELY FORGOTTEN THAT DEMOCRACY IS FUNDAMENTALLY NOT
GERMAN: IT IS JEWISH. It has completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy
with its majority decisions has always been without exception only a means
towards the destruction of any existing Aryan leadership. The Right does not
understand that directly every small question of profit or loss is regularly
put before so-called 'public opinion,' he who knows how most skilfully to make
this 'public opinion' serve his own interests becomes forthwith master in the
State. And that can be achieved by the man who can lie most artfully, most
infamously; and in the last resort he is not the German, he is, in
Schopenhauer's words, 'the great master in the art of lying' - the Jew.
And
finally it has been forgotten that the condition which must precede every act
is the will and the courage to speak the truth - and that we do not see today
either in the Right or in the Left.
There
are only two possibilities in Germany; do not imagine that the people will
forever go with the middle party, the party of compromises; one day it will
turn to those who have most consistently foretold the coming ruin and have
sought to dissociate themselves from it. And that party is either the Left: and
then God help us! for it will lead us to complete destruction - to Bolshevism,
or else it is a party of the Right which at the last, when the people is in
utter despair, when it has lost all its spirit and has no longer any faith in
anything, is determined for its part ruthlessly to seize the reins of power -
that is the beginning of resistance of which I spoke a few minutes ago. Here,
too, there can be no compromise - there are only two possibilities: either
victory of the Aryan, or annihilation of the Aryan and the victory of the Jew.
It
is from the recognition of this fact, from recognizing it, I would say, in
utter, dead earnestness, that there resulted the formation of our Movement.
There are two principles which, when we founded the Movement, we engraved upon
our hearts: first, to base it on the most sober recognition of the facts, and
second, to proclaim these facts with the most ruthless sincerity.
And
this recognition of the facts discloses at once a whole series of the most
important fundamental principles which must guide this young Movement which, we
hope, is destined one day for greatness:
1.
'NATIONAL' AND 'SOCIAL' ARE TWO IDENTICAL CONCEPTIONS. It was only the Jew who
succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning it into Marxism, not
only in divorcing the social idea from the national, but in actually
representing them as utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved.
At the founding of this Movement we formed the decision that we would give
expression to this idea of ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite
all warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe, on the basis of the
sincerity of our will, we christened it ''National Socialist.' We said to
ourselves that to be 'national' means above everything to act with a boundless
and all-embracing love for the people and, if necessary, even to die for it.
And similarly to be 'social' means so to build up the state and the community
of the people that every individual acts in the interest of the community of
the people and must be to such an extent convinced of the goodness, of the
honorable straightforwardness of this community of the people as to be ready to
die for it.
2.
And then we said to ourselves: THERE ARE NO SUCH THINGS AS CLASSES: THEY CANNOT
BE. Class means caste and caste means race. If there are castes in India, well
and good; there it is possible, for there there were formerly Aryans and dark
aborigines. So it was in Egypt and in Rome. But with us in Germany where
everyone who is a German at all has the same blood, has the same eyes, and
speaks the same language, here there can be no class, here there can be only a
single people and beyond that nothing else. Certainly we recognize, just as
anyone must recognize, that there are different 'occupations' and 'professions'
[Stände]-there is the Stand of the watchmakers, the Stand of the common
laborers, the Stand of the painters or technicians, the Stand of the engineers,
officials, etc. Stände there can be. But in the struggles which these Stände
have amongst themselves for the equalization of their economic conditions, the
conflict and the division must never be so great as to sunder the ties of race.
And
if you say 'But there must after all be a difference between the honest
creators and those who do nothing at all' - certainly there must! That is the
difference which lies in the performance of the conscientious work of the
individual. Work must be the great connecting link, but at the same time the
great factor which separates one man from another. The drone is the foe of us
all. But the creators - it matters not whether they are brain workers or
workers with the hand - they are the nobility of our State, they are the German
people!
We
understand under the term 'work' exclusively that activity which not only
profits the individual but in no way harms the community, nay rather which
contributes to form the community.
3.
And in the third place IT WAS CLEAR TO US THAT THIS PARTICULAR VIEW IS BASED ON
AN IMPULSE WHICH SPRINGS FROM OUR RACE AND FROM OUR BLOOD. We said to ourselves
that race differs from race and, further, that each race in accordance with its
fundamental demands shows externally certain specific tendencies, and these
tendencies can perhaps be most clearly traced in their relation to the
conception of work. The Aryan regards work as the foundation for the
maintenance of the community of people amongst it members. The Jew regards work
as the means to the exploitation of other peoples. The Jew never works as a
productive creator without the great aim of becoming the master. He works
unproductively using and enjoying other people's work. And thus we understand
the iron sentence which Mommsen once uttered: 'The Jew is the ferment of
decomposition in peoples,' that means that the Jew destroys and must destroy
because he completely lacks the conception of an activity which builds up the
life of the community. And therefore it is beside the point whether the
individual Jew is 'decent' or not. In himself he carries those characteristics
which Nature has given him, and he cannot ever rid himself of those
characteristics. And to us he is harmful. Whether he harms us consciously or
unconsciously, that is not our affair. We have consciously to concern ourselves
for the welfare of our own people.
4.
And fourthly WE WERE FURTHER PERSUADED THAT ECONOMIC PROSPERITY IS INSEPARABLE
FROM POLITICAL FREEDOM AND THAT THEREFORE THAT HOUSE OF LIES,
'INTERNATIONALISM,' MUST IMMEDIATELY COLLAPSE. We recognized that freedom can
eternally be only a consequence of power and that the source of power is the
will. Consequently the will to power must be strengthened in a people with
passionate ardor. And thus we realized fifthly that
5.
WE AS NATIONAL SOCIALISTS and members of the German Workers party - a Party
pledged to work - MUST BE ON PRINCIPLE THE MOST FANATICAL NATIONALISTS. We
realized that the State can be for our people a paradise only if the people can
hold sway therein freely as in a paradise: we realized that a slave state will
never be a paradise, but only - always and for all time - a hell or a colony.
6.
And then sixthly we grasped the fact that POWER IN THE LAST RESORT IS POSSIBLE
ONLY WHERE THERE IS STRENGTH, and that strength lies not in the dead weight of
numbers but solely in energy. Even the smallest minority can achieve a mighty
result if it is inspired by the most fiery, the most pas sionate will to act.
World history has always been made by minorities. And lastly
7.
If one has realized a truth, that truth is valueless so long as there is
lacking the indomitable will to turn this realization into action!
These
were the foundations of our Movement - the truths on which it was based and
which demonstrated its necessity.
For
three years we have sought to realize these fundamental ideas. And of course a
fight is and remains a fight. Stroking in very truth will not carry one far.
Today the German people has been beaten by a quite other world, while in its
domestic life it has lost all spirit; no longer has it any faith. But how will
you give this people once more firm ground beneath its feet save by the
passionate insistence on one definite, great, clear goal?
Thus
we were the first to declare that this peace treaty was a crime. Then folk
abused us as 'agitators.' We were the first to protest against the failure to
present this treaty to the people before it was signed. Again we were called
'agitators.' We were the first to summon men to resistance against being
reduced to a continuing state of defenselessness. Once more we were
'agitators.' At that time we called on the masses of the people not to
surrender their arms, for the surrender of one's arms would be nothing less
than the beginning of enslavement. We were called, no, we were cried down as,
'agitators.' We were the first to say that this meant the loss of Upper
Silesia. So it was, and still they called us 'agitators.' We declared at that
time that compliance in the question of Upper Silesia MUST have as its
consequence the awakening of a passionate greed which would demand the
occupation of the Ruhr. We were cried down ceaselessly, again and again. And
because we opposed the mad financial policy which today will lead to our
collapse, what was it that we were called repeatedly once more? 'Agitators,'
And today?
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Adolf
Hitler in a Speech (12 April 1922)
[PHOTO SOURCE: http://truthforgermans.com/?p=650]
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And
finally we were also the first to point the people on any large scale to a
danger which insinuated itself into our midst - a danger which millions failed
to realize and which will nonetheless lead us all into ruin - the Jewish
danger. And today people are saying yet again that we were 'agitators.' I would
like here to appeal to a greater than I, Count Lerchenfeld. He said in the last
session of the Landtag that his feeling 'as a man and a Christian' prevented
him from being an anti-Semite. I SAY: MY FEELING AS A CHRISTIAN POINTS ME TO MY
LORD AND SAVIOUR AS A FIGHTER. IT POINTS ME TO THE MAN WHO ONCE IN LONELINESS,
SURROUNDED ONLY BY A FEW FOLLOWERS, RECOGNIZED THESE JEWS FOR WHAT THEY WERE
AND SUMMONED MEN TO THE FIGHT AGAINST THEM AND WHO, GOD'S TRUTH! WAS GREATEST
NOT AS SUFFERER BUT AS FIGHTER. In boundless love as a Christian and as a man I
read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at last rose in His might
and seized the scourge to drive out of the Temple the brood of vipers and of
adders. How terrific was His fight for the world against the Jewish poison.
Today, after two thousand years, with deepest emotion I recognize more
profoundly than ever before - the fact that it was for this that He had to shed
His blood upon the Cross. As a Christian I have no duty to allow myself to be
cheated, but I have the duty to be a fighter for truth and justice. And as a
man I have the duty to see to it that human society does not suffer the same
catastrophic collapse as did the civilization of the ancient world some two
thousand years ago - a civilization which was driven to its ruin through this
same Jewish people.
Then
indeed when Rome collapsed there were endless streams of new German bands
flowing into the Empire from the North; but, if Germany collapses today, who is
there to come after us? German blood upon this earth is on the way to gradual
exhaustion unless we pull ourselves together and make ourselves free!
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Adolf
Hitler in a Speech (12 April 1922)
[PHOTO
SOURCE: http://exposingreligionblog.tumblr.com/post/12004540621]
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And
if there is anything which could demonstrate that we are acting rightly, it is
the distress which daily grows. For as a Christian I have also a duty to my own
people. And when I look on my people I see it work and work and toil and labor,
and at the end of the week it has only for its wage wretchedness and misery.
When I go out in the morning and see these men standing in their queues and
look into their pinched faces, then I believe I would be no Christian, but a
very devil, if I felt no pity for them, if I did not, as did our Lord two
thousand years ago, turn against those by whom today this poor people is
plundered and exploited.
And
through the distress there is no doubt that the people has been aroused.
Externally perhaps apathetic, but within there is ferment. And many may say,
'It is an accursed crime to stir up passions in the people.' And then I say to
myself: Passion is already stirred through the rising tide of distress, and one
day this passion will break out in one way or another: AND NOW I WOULD ASK
THOSE WHO TODAY CALL US 'AGITATORS': 'WHAT THEN HAVE YOU TO GIVE TO THE PEOPLE
AS A FAITH TO WHICH IT MIGHT CLING?'
Nothing
at all, for you yourselves have no faith in your own prescriptions.
That
is the mightiest thing which our Movement must create: for these widespread,
seeking and straying masses a new Faith which will not fail them in this hour
of confusion, to which they can pledge themselves, on which they can build so
that they may at least find once again a place which may bring calm to their
hearts.
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