INTERNET SOURCE: http://mk.christogenea.org/video/adolf-hitler-%E2%80%93-speech-l%C3%B6wenbr%C3%A4ukeller-no-more-churchill
Adolf Hitler – speech in the
Löwenbräukeller (...no more Churchill)
Party Comrades!
We now celebrate once more the 9th of
November, and as back then a rally unites us on the eve of this day. For us the
year 1923 was a high-point in the struggle for power in Germany. This struggle,
and hence the significance of the day which we are celebrating, can be
comprehended only by those who reflect on the age in which we found ourselves
then and who, above all, bring back before their eyes the historic events
leading up to this gigantic struggle.
As
a former soldier of the World War and present Supreme Commander of the German
Wehrmacht, I can say: they [the Allies] would never have carried the victory
over Germany back then, had not their allies broken us internally! Four years
they labored. It was even necessary to summon an American sorcerer-priest (Zauberpriester) who found the formula which made it
possible for the German Volk to fall for the word of honor of a foreign
president.
I
took the same stand in our struggle abroad. Any such new intrigue, any new
attempt to mobilize states against us through treaties and agreements, only led
to my accelerating armament. I was firmly determined to risk it all. Without
interruption the struggle went on with the objective of eliminating the
Versailles Treaty. For, my Party Comrades, this I had to do if I were not to be
a liar. After all, what did we fight for? When we made our first appearances in
the years 1920–21 and 1922, our program was the elimination of Versailles. I
could not all of a sudden say: forget about it.
I
was determined to make Germany free once again. I led this struggle step by
step. And, honestly, I had the ambition of maintaining the peace. From a
multitude of rallies and publications, you know of the foreign policy
conception I embraced at the time: I wished to establish close bonds of
friendship with England. I thought the Germanic races had to come together. I
wanted the same relationship to Italy. And further I thought of Japan as a
power with interests parallel to our own. As
far as Italy was concerned, this attempt succeeded thanks to the ingenious
actions of the man who founded Fascism and who was victorious in the same
struggle in his country which we National Socialists were confronted with in
Germany. And, in the last instance, we succeeded with Japan also.
However,
we met with failure regarding England, in striking contrast to our own desires.
It was not our fault. To the contrary, I attempted, up to the last minute,
until a few days prior to the outbreak of war, to realize my original foreign
policy objective. At the time, I made the British Ambassador the greatest
offers. I was willing to cooperate with England. But it was in vain. I had
already realized at the time that certain war profiteers had been agitating for
years without anyone putting an end to this business. There could be no doubt
that one day they would bring the British people to hate and to be furious with
Germany. And meanwhile, the German Volk would harbor no hatred for England. And
thus, one fine day, Germany would have stumbled into a war without any
psychological preparation. I already warned of this in the years 1938 and 1939,
and most notably, in my speech at Saarbrucken, I
emphasized that things could not go on in this manner. If England persisted in
this campaign of hatred, then I would be forced to put German propaganda to
use.
And
thus came the day when it was no longer a question whether war could be
avoided, but rather whether it could be postponed for one, two, or three years.
This would have been possible only through the most severe humiliation of
Germany. And one thing you must understand here, my Party Comrades: on the day
I realized that England was only stalling for time, that they were determined
to wage war under any circumstance, which was openly revealed in the statements
of British statesmen, on that day, I had but one desire: if they were
determined to declare war on us, then at least, so I hoped, they should do this
during my lifetime. For I knew this would be the toughest of all struggles ever
forced on the German Volk. Now not only do I imagine myself to be the toughest
man the German Volk has possessed for decades, perhaps even centuries, but I
also possess the greatest authority. Above all, I believe in my success, and I
believe in it without reserve! I am firmly convinced that this battle will end
not a whit differently from the battle I once waged internally.
I
am convinced that Providence has led me up to this point and has held all
trials at a distance, so that I could wage this battle for the German Volk. And
finally, I did go through the Great War myself, and I belong to those who were
cheated of the victory back then. And therefore it is my unshakeable resolve
that this battle shall end differently from the battle back then.
When
I spoke to you in the past year, the first phase of this battle lay behind us.
In eighteen days, our Wehrmacht crushed Poland.
Others had imagined things would develop quite differently. They had been
convinced that the battle would last six, eight, or ten months. They said to
themselves: “Wars with decisive results are no longer possible. Under the best
of circumstances, trench warfare will ensue. A front will be erected in the
East, and this will slowly bleed Germany to death. Meanwhile, the West will
arm. Then the summer of 1940 will come, and then one will move up through
Belgium and the Netherlands to the Ruhr territory frontier. And, then slowly
one will master Germany.” That is how they imagined things. And besides this,
they believed that only a few weeks later-we have heard as much from all
sides-a revolution would break out in Germany. This, moreover, would lead to
destitution. They had not an inkling of the extent of our armament and believed
that I was bluffing just as they have been trying to bluff us for years. They
did not think anyone would really do what he said he would. Therefore they were
convinced that this war would be a relatively easy one for them.
A
year ago, as I mentioned earlier, Poland was eliminated. And thus we thwarted
their plans a first time. I was able to refer to this great success on November
8, 1939. Today, one year later, I have further successes to report! This, first
and foremost, only he who himself served as a soldier in the Great War, can
appreciate fully as he knows what it means not only to crush the entire West
within a few weeks, but also to take possession of Norway up to the North Cape,
from where a front is drawn today from Kirkenes down to the Spanish border.
All
the hopes of the British warmongers were then torn asunder. For they had
intended to wage war on the periphery, to cut off the German vital lines, and
slowly strangle us. The reverse has come true! This continent is slowly
mobilizing, in reflecting upon itself, against the enemy of the continent.
Within a few months, Germany has given actual freedom to this continent. The
British attempt to “Balkanize” Europe-and of this the British statesmen should
take note-has been thwarted and has ended! England wanted to disorganize
Europe. Germany and Italy will organize Europe.
Now
in England they may declare that the war is going on, but I am completely
indifferent to this. It will go on until we end it! And we will end it, of this
they can be sure! And it will end in our victory! That you can believe! I realize one thing. If I had stepped up as a
prophet on January 1 of this year to explain to the English: by the spring of
this year, we will have ruined your plan in Norway, and it will not be you in
Norway, but Germany; in the summer of this same year you will no longer be in the
Netherlands or come to the Netherlands, but we will have occupied it; in the
same summer you will not have advanced through Belgium to the German borders,
but we will be at yours; and if I had said: by this summer, there will be no
more France; then, all would have said: “The man is insane.” And so I shall
cease from making any further prophecies today. I
would merely like to give a few explanations to the German Volk. The struggle
up to now has led to results of an unequaled nature:
1.
In terms of personnel. As bitter as it was for the individual family which had
to make the sacrifice, it has cost the German Volk practically no sacrifices. In sum, the sacrifices we made in this war are not
as big as those which the War of 1870–71 cost us. Indeed, they are barely half
of this number.
In
terms of personnel our calculations were upset insofar as we did not have to
touch the earmarked, gigantic reserve armies, which we had counted on as
replacements for losses. Many men with long service records could thus be
dismissed. And still, mostly through the younger grades, we were in a position
to strengthen the Wehrmacht at the same time. In terms of personnel the German
Army looks completely different today from how it looked in the World War. Only
a few days ago, I drove through Belgium and France, and as an old soldier of
the World War, I must say our Wehrmacht looks magnificent today, irrespective
of whether we are talking about the Army, Navy, Luftwaffe, or Waffen SS. All
look equally handsome. They cannot be compared to those of the years 1914 or
1915.
2.
In material terms, I prepared for this war as no other war has been prepared
for. It was well worth it. The material sacrifices of this war are of no
consequence. The ammunition we have used up in battle up to now is the
equivalent of barely a month’s production. The reserves are so enormous, that
in many areas I had to halt production because there is no further storage room
available. I have redirected production into other areas where I believe it to
be important that we be especially strong. You have heard the others’ threats
of what they all will produce: Australia has six or seven million inhabitants,
including Bushmen. And in spite of this, they want to produce eight times as
many airplanes as Germany. Canada has nine million inhabitants. Now they want
to build twelve times as many airplanes as Germany. As far as American
production is concerned, astronomical figures do not suffice to describe it. In
this realm, I do not want to enter into the competition. But one thing I can
assure you of: we can mobilize all of Europe’s forces.
German
productive capacities are the highest in the world. And we will not leave
matters at that, since we are in a position today to mobilize the forces of
nearly all of Europe-and that I am doing this in the industrial sphere you can
take for granted! Our material armament therefore is enormous, and it is just
beginning to grow. Even though we have prepared this industrial mobilization
for years, as you know, the initial push-in terms of greater figures-will only
come about in another one to one and a half years. And this is the case now.
And,
summing up, I may say one thing: we are better prepared for the future than
ever before. We are prepared in terms of material, and we are prepared in terms
of personnel. And that the Wehrmacht makes the most of every day, this anyone
who himself served as a soldier knows well. Not a day is lost. This foremost
military instrument of the world is being attended to and improved without a
moment’s interruption. And when the hour of large-scale operations comes once
again, then I hope we shall achieve exactly the same results we have in the
past. We have prepared everything in the most thorough manner in order to act
quickly and daringly! And the hour will come in which those gentlemen, whose
mouths have already conquered the world once again, will have to take up arms.
And then we will see who has put these months to better use: we or the others!
Germany with its allies, at any rate, is strong enough to face off any
combination in the world. There is no coalition of powers which is militarily
equal to ours! Economically speaking, the long
preparations of peacetime have proved well worth the effort: the Four-Year
Plan, which we recently prolonged for another four years, has created large
reserves for us. The Englishmen know this quite well; otherwise they would not
have cursed us so vividly because of it. It was to render us invulnerable to
attempts at isolation or blockade. Besides this, it remains to be seen who will
be blockaded a few months hence: we or the others! I believe that in some
spheres, the English have been dissuaded from lying.
Mr.
Churchill, who only eight and six months ago declared, “Within one month, we
will have destroyed fifty percent of their U-boats,” was not able to say as
much the next month, i.e. another fifty percent, because then none of them
would have been left. So the next month, the hits accounted for only thirty
percent. A month later he could not say twenty percent, but had to content
himself with ten percent. And now this General Liar of World History (Generallugner der
Weltgeschichte) is beginning to admit that there appear to be more
of our U-boats than there were in the beginning.
He
can believe me: there are more now! He has no idea how many more there are! We
will yet challenge them, these international, capitalist liars. And we will
live to see it: one day there will be no more Churchill, but more and more
German U-boats.
And
now that he could no longer disclaim the gist of this, this most ingenious
strategist ever born has fastened on the war in the air. For this has been
quite an ingenious idea of Mr. Churchill’s-of all places in a weapons category
in which England is the weakest in comparison to us-to launch the war in the
air. You know that for years I made proposals to the world to forsake bombing
in warfare especially against civilian populations.
England
has declined this, perhaps in anticipation of the ensuing development. Be that
as it may! In spite of this, I did not allow battles to be waged against
civilian populations in this war. In the war with Poland, I did not order
nightly raids on Polish cities, since at night you cannot really hit your
target with much accuracy. I allowed attacks to be carried out mostly during
the day and only against military targets. I did the same in Norway. I did the
same in the Netherlands, in Belgium, and in France. And then Mr. Churchill
suddenly had the idea, since the Royal Air Force could not penetrate German air
space during the day, to terrorize the German civilian population with attacks
by night.
You
know that I am a patient man, my Party Comrades! I stood by for eight days.
They dropped bombs on the civilian population along the Rhine. They dropped
bombs on the civilian population in Westphalia. And I stood by for fourteen
days and thought to myself: the man is insane! He is introducing a type of
warfare here which can lead only to England’s destruction. When the war in the
West came to an end, I extended my hand once more to England. Once again I was
chided in the most despicable fashion and spat on. Mr. Halifax behaved like a
man gone mad. Well! They stepped up the bomb attacks. Again I waited.
I
must say it was becoming increasingly difficult for me. For many came to me who
said: “How long do you still intend to wait, Fuhrer? They are not going to stop
by themselves.” I waited three months altogether, and then one day I issued the
order: alas, I am taking up this battle, and I am taking it up with the
determination with which I always step up to do battle. That means: to fight to
the last from now on! They wanted a fight; they shall have a fight! They wanted
to destroy Germany in the war in the air. I will show them who shall be
destroyed.
The
English people, whom I can only pity, can thank the common criminal Churchill
for this. Mr. Churchill has produced the greatest military nonsense in this
fight for which a statesman or warlord ever was responsible! He fought with the weapon which is his weakest. He
fought from a position which has been geographically disadvantageous to England
ever since we have held Trondheim and Brest. It was the weakest position which
England could possibly maintain. We will persevere in this fight. I regret that
it will demand sacrifices on our part as well. But I do know National Socialist
Germany. Only Mr. Churchill does not know it. There is a big difference. He
believed he could weary the German Volk. He completely forgot that now a
different Germany has come into being. This Germany becomes all the more
zealous with every bomb that is dropped. Its resolve is merely strengthened.
Above all, it knows: this nonsense must be done away with once and for all. And
in this, we are determined.
When
Mr. Chamberlain was here in Munich in 1938 and hypocritically presented his
peace proposals to me, this man had already decided for himself to proclaim
immediately after his return: “I have been granted a postponement, and now let
us arm until we can attack Germany.” We are quite aware that any ceasefire
agreement today would be just that: a ceasefire agreement. They would hope that
in a few years I would no longer stand at the helm of this Reich and that then
the fight could begin anew.
Hence
it is my unalterable resolve to see this conflict through to a clear decision.
Just as I rejected compromise in my struggle for Germany as a National
Socialist, so I reject compromise here as well.
I
extended my hand often-in vain. They wanted this fight; now they shall have it!
The German Volk will see this fight through to the end! The danger that it
might erupt again within one or two or three years, after a period of
heightened tension, must be removed. The German Volk wants to have peace
finally. It wants a peace that allows it to work and which does not allow
international scoundrels to agitate among other peoples against us. These are
the folks who make their fortunes through war. I have no reason to wage war for
material considerations. For us, it is but a sad enterprise: it robs us, the
German Volk and the whole community, of so much time and manpower. I do not
possess any stocks in the armament industry; I do not earn anything in this
war.
I
would be happy if we could work again as I used to work for my Volk. But these
international war criminals are at the same time the armament industry’s
greatest black marketeers. They own the factories, they make business. They are
the same people we had here in Germany earlier. There can be but one
confrontation with these people: one of us must break. And this one will not
be, under any circumstances, Germany! And if
this Germany today possesses a different attitude, this is because National
Socialism has pulled the German Volk up by its bootstraps again. It has created
the mental, psychological, moral, and also material conditions for the enormous
victories by the Wehrmacht of our young Reich. Every soldier knows it and must
know that the armies which today march beneath our banner are the revolutionary
armies of the Third Reich! They carry in their hearts not only faith in a
Germany as it once was, but they carry in their hearts the faith in a Germany
as we all imagine it will be in the future, for which we have fought so long,
the faith in a better Reich, in which the great goals of our national and
social Movement shall be realized.
And
that we possess such a Germany today, this we owe to those who marched in the
year 1923 and, above all, to those who then, as the first, shed their blood for
the Movement. These sixteen dead are more than simply sixteen dead! They became
the crown witnesses for a new resurrection of our Volk.
Their
sacrifice was all the greater, for back then they could yet barely perceive in
their faintest fantasies what has come into being since. Then they acted out of
a boundless love for Germany. When someone came to join the Movement then, one
could only say to him: “You can give up everything else, since you will be
laughed at and ridiculed and persecuted. You must be aware that you will be
without bread, that they will throw you out of everywhere. You will have
nothing of which you can be certain, other than death perhaps.
But
you see before you something for which we all fight. It is a new Germany of
honor which we will resurrect and which will secure for its sons their daily
bread. And it will take a place once more in this world which it deserves,
based on the number of its people, its historical past, and our former,
present, and future worth.” And all these men came to take their places. Many
of them felt this but subconsciously. There were so many common folk in this
Movement. We were avoided like the plague by those who held themselves to
belong to the intelligentsia or the upper middle classes. We were avoided like
the plague by them, so that the greater number of those who joined our ranks
were mostly mere common people. Perhaps they had not so clear a vision of what
was to come. They only knew: one day things will be better.
Things
will be better one day, because we will build up a new Reich. And in this Reich
much will be realized that our foes actually yearn for deep inside themselves,
without realizing that following along the path on which they have set out,
they shall never be able to achieve it.
For
this these men stood up, and for this sixteen of them gave their lives back
then.
They
were sixteen, although they might equally well have been five hundred or five
thousand, and not one of them uttered a complaint. Not even the wounded
betrayed the cause. To the contrary, the wounded all the more eagerly became
Party comrades once again, all the more zealous than before! And in the
footsteps of these sixteen many hundred followed, here and beyond the borders
of the Reich. They followed along the path of martyrs for years, for nearly a
decade. Their numbers were the greatest in the Ostmark and the Sudetenland
perhaps-all the stronger was their belief because the battle seemed the most
hopeless there. How could all these common folk surmise the course of history
as it has now truly come to pass? How could they foresee the miracle which
would return them home gloriously to a great Reich one and a half or two
decades later? Still they fought, with a faithful heart, without knowing
precisely if this would come to pass during their own lives.
And
all this took its beginning from this November 8, and November 9, 1923. And so
we celebrate the commemoration of these men, all the more profoundly moved
today than even then, since all of them bore in their hearts the disgrace of
the collapse of the year 1918–19. And this disgrace gnawed at their hearts and
upset them. How often did we sit together, aglow with the one thought: this
must be repaired in our history: this cannot last and this cannot remain!
Otherwise the German Volk would be burdened with this blemish for all time! We
will erase this from the book of our history! We will wash it away again! We
will resurrect a Germany of might, power, and magnificence.
Germany
must be resurrected, one way or another! And in this spirit we fought.
In
this spirit they fell. In this spirit the battle continued to be waged. And in
this spirit we face the outside world today, and we will complete that for
which they fell back then. They [the World Powers] believe they are destroying
Germany. They will be proved mistaken! Germany will rise from the battle all
the more!
Adolf
Hitler speech v churchill ww2 EngSubs
VIDEO
SOURCE:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WzWsmG8bDkA
Published on Jul
30, 2013
International
jewry had declared war on Germany in 1933. That's the actual start of World War
2. (Look it up if you doubt.) Germany was forced to be on the Defense since
then, March 1933. Six years later, 1939, WW2 "officially" started. In
1940, Adolf Hitler gave a speech on 8 November in which he described what
Winston Churchill and the Allies bombers had done at night to women and
children and how he, Hitler, had waited and offered peace proposals before
finally responding. This is one continuous 10-minute segment of that speech. Adolf
Hitler preferred speaking to large audiences and with the microphone, if any,
at some distance -- so he could use the range of volume and expression he had
used in public speaking without microphones for a decade. Get a grasp on his
personality from this video: Soft speaking, humor, sadness, anger, and
passionate commitment.
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