On
this date, November 28, 1941, the Mufti of Jerusalem had a meeting with the
Führer, Adolf Hitler in Berlin. I will post information about this event from
several internet sources.
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Haj Amin al-Husseini meeting with Adolf
Hitler (November 28, 1941).
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INTERNET SOURCE: http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/muftihit.html
The Holocaust:
The Mufti and the Führer
(November 1941)
In
1941, Haj
Amin al-Husseini fled to Germany and met with Adolf
Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joachim Von Ribbentrop and other Nazi leaders. He
wanted to persuade them to extend the Nazis’ anti-Jewish program to the Arab
world.
The
Mufti sent Hitler 15 drafts of declarations he wanted Germany and Italy to make
concerning the Middle East. One called on the two countries to declare the
illegality of the Jewish home in Palestine. Furthermore, “they accord to
Palestine and to other Arab countries the right to solve the problem of the
Jewish elements in Palestine and other Arab countries, in accordance with the
interest of the Arabs and, by the same method, that the question is now being
settled in the Axis countries.”
In
November 1941, the Mufti met with Hitler, who told him the Jews were his
foremost enemy. The Nazi dictator rebuffed the Mufti's requests for a
declaration in support of the Arabs, however, telling him the time was not
right. The Mufti offered Hitler his “thanks for the sympathy which he had
always shown for the Arab and especially Palestinian cause, and to which he had
given clear expression in his public speeches....The Arabs were Germany's
natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namely....the
Jews....” Hitler replied:
Germany stood for uncompromising war against the Jews. That naturally included active opposition to the Jewish national home in Palestine....Germany would furnish positive and practical aid to the Arabs involved in the same struggle....Germany's objective [is]...solely the destruction of the Jewish element residing in the Arab sphere....In that hour the Mufti would be the most authoritative spokesman for the Arab world. The Mufti thanked Hitler profusely.
In
1945, Yugoslavia sought to indict the Mufti as a war criminal for his role in
recruiting 20,000 Muslim volunteers for the SS, who participated in the killing
of Jews in Croatia and Hungary. He escaped from French detention in 1946,
however, and continued his fight against the Jews from Cairo and later Beirut.
He died in 1974.
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The
Farhud by Edwin Black
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INTERNET SOURCE: http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/mufti2.html
The Holocaust:
The Mufti’s Conversation with Hitler
The Mufti’s Conversation with Hitler
(November
28, 1941)
Haj
Amin al-Husseini, the influential leader of the Arabs in Palestine, moved to
Germany during World War II and met Adolf Hitler, Joachim von Ribbentrop,
Heinrich Himmler and other Nazi leaders in an attempt to coordinate Nazi and
Arab policies in the Middle East. The following is a record of a conversation
between the Fuhrer and al-Husseini in the Presence of Reich Foreign Minister
and Minister Grobba in Berlin.
The
Grand
Mufti began by thanking the Fuhrer for the great honor he had bestowed by
receiving him. He wished to seize the opportunity to convey to the Fuhrer of
the Greater German Reich,
admired by the entire Arab world,
his thanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and
especially the Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear espressos in
his public speeches. The Arab countries were firmly convinced that Germany
would win the war and that the Arab cause would then prosper: The Arabs were
Germany's natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany,
namely the English,
the Jews,
and the Communists. They were therefore prepared to cooperate with Germany with
all their hearts and stood ready to participate in the war, not only negatively
by the commission of acts of sabotage and the instigation of revolutions, but
also positively by the formation of an Arab Legion. The Arabs could he more
useful to Germany as allies than might he apparent at first glance, both for
geographical reasons and because of the suffering inflicted upon them by the
English and the Jews. Furthermore, they had had close relations with all Moslem
nations, of which they could make use in behalf of the common cause. The
Arab Legion would he quite easy to raise. An appeal by the Mufti to the Arab
countries and the prisoners of Arab, Algerian,
Tunisian,
and Moroccan
nationality in Germany would produce a great number of volunteers eager to
fight. Of Germany's victory the Arab world was firmly convinced, not only
because the Reich possessed a large army, brave soldiers, and military leaders
of genius, but also because the Almighty could never award the victory to an
unjust cause.
In
this struggle, the Arabs were striving for the independence and unity of
Palestine, Syria
and Iraq.
They had the fullest confidence in the Fuhrer and looked to his hand for the
balm on their wounds which had been inflicted upon them by the enemies of
Germany.
The
Mufti then mentioned the letter he had received from Germany, which stated that
Germany was holding no Arab territories and understood and recognized the
aspirations to independence and freedom of the Arabs, just as she supported the
elimination of the Jewish national home.
A
public declaration in this sense would be very useful for its propagandistic
effect on the Arab peoples at this moment. It would rouse the Arabs from their
momentary lethargy and give them new courage. It would also ease the Mufti's
work of secretly organizing the Arabs against the moment when they could
strike. At the same time, he could give the assurance that the Arabs would in
strict discipline patiently wait for the right moment and only strike upon an
order from Berlin.
With
regard to the events in Iraq, the Mufti observed that the Arabs in that country
certainly had by no means been incited by Germany to attack England, but solely
had acted in reaction to a direct English assault upon their honor.
The
Turks,
he believed, would welcome the establishment of' an Arab government in the
neighboring territories because they would prefer weaker Arab to strong
European governments in the neighboring countries, and, being themselves a
nation of 7 million, they had moreover nothing to fear from the 1.700,000 Arabs
inhabiting Syria. Transjordan, Iraq. and Palestine.
France
likewise would have no objections to the unification plan because she had
conceded independence to Syria as early as 1936 and had given her approval to
the unification of Iraq and Syria under King Faisal as early as 1933.
In
these circumstances he was renewing his request that the Fuhrer make a public
declaration so that the Arabs would not lose hope, which is so powerful a force
in the life of nations. With such hope in their hearts the Arabs, as lie had
said, were willing to wait. They were not pressing for immediate realization of
their aspirations: they could easily wait half a year or a whole year. But if
they were not inspired with such a hope by a declaration of this sort, it could
be expected that the English would be the gainers from it.
The
Fuhrer replied that Germany's fundamental attitude on these questions, as the
Mufti himself had already stated. was clear. Germany stood for uncompromising
war against the Jews. That naturally included active opposition to the Jewish
national home in Palestine. which was nothing other than a center, in the form
of a state, for the exercise of destructive influence by Jewish interests. Germany
was also aware that the assertion that the Jews were carrying out the function
of economic pioneers in Palestine was a lie. The work there was done only by
the Arabs, not by the Jews. Germany was resolved, step by step, to ask one
European nation after the other to solve its Jewish problem, and at the proper
time direct a similar appeal to non-European nations as well.
Germany
was at the present time engaged in a life and death struggle with two citadels
of Jewish power: Great Britain and Soviet Russia.
Theoretically there was a difference between England's capitalism and Soviet
Russia's communism: actually, however, the Jews in both countries were pursuing
a common goal. This was the decisive struggle: on the political plane, it
presented itself in the main as a conflict between Germany and England, but
ideologically it was a battle between National Socialism and the Jews. It went
without saying that Germany would furnish positive and practical aid to the
Arabs involved in the same struggle, because platonic promises were useless in
a war for survival or destruction in which the Jews were able to mobilize all
of England's power for their ends.
The
aid to the Arabs would have to be material aid. Of how little help sympathies
alone were in such a battle had been demonstrated plainly by the operation in
Iraq, where circumstances had not permitted the rendering of really effective,
practical aid. In spite of all the sympathies. German aid had not been
sufficient and Iraq was overcome by the power of Britain, that is, the guardian
of the Jews.
The
Mufti could not but he aware, however. that the outcome of the struggle going
on at present would also decide the fate of the Arab world. The Fuhrer
therefore had to think and speak coolly and deliberately, as a rational man and
primarily as a soldier, as the leader of the German and allied armies.
Everything of a nature to help in this titanic battle for the common cause, and
thus also for the Arabs. would have to he done. Anything, however, that might
contribute to weakening the military situation must be put aside, no matter
hose unpopular this move might be.
Germany
was now engaged in a very severe battles to force the gateway to the northern
Caucasus region. The difficulties were mainly with regard to maintaining the
supply. Which was most difficult as a result of the destruction of railroads
and highways as well as of the oncoming winter. If at such a moment, the Fuhrer
were to raise the problem of Syria in a declaration, those elements in France
which were under de Gaulle's influence would receive new strength. They would
interpret the Fuhrer's declaration as an intention to break up France's
colonial empire and appeal to their fellow countrymen that they should rather
make common cause with the English to try to save what still could be saved. A
German declaration regarding Syria would in France he understood to refer to
the French colonies in general, and that would at the present time create new
troubles in western Europe, which means that a portion of the German armed
forces would be immobilized in the west and no longer he available for the
campaign in the east.
The
Fuhrer then made the following statement to the Mufti. enjoining him to lock it
in the uttermost depths of his heart:
1.
He (the Fuhrer) would carry on the battle to the total destruction of the
Judeo-Communist empire in Europe.
2.
At some moment which was impossible to set exactly today but which in any event
was not distant, the German armies would in the course of this struggle reach
the southern exit from Caucasia.
3.
As soon as this had happened, the Fuhrer would on his own give the Arab world
the assurance that its hour of liberation had arrived. Germany's objective
would then be solely the destruction of the Jewish element residing in the Arab
sphere under the protection of British power. In that hour the Mufti would be
the most authoritative spokesman for the Arab world. It would then be his task
to set off the Arab operations which he had secretly prepared. When that time
had come. Germany could also he indifferent to French reaction to such a
declaration.
Once
Germany had forced open the road to Iran
and Iraq through Rostov, it would he also the beginning of the end of the
British world empire. He (the Fuhrer) hoped that the coming year would make it
possible for Germany to thrust open the Caucasian gate to the Middle East. For
the good of their common cause. it would he better if the Arab proclamation
were put off for a few more months than if Germany were to create difficulties
for herself without being able thereby to help the Arabs.
He
(the Fuhrer) fully appreciated the eagerness of the Arabs for a public
declaration of the sort requested by the Grand Mufti. But Ire would beg barn to
consider that he (the Fuhrer) himself was the Chief of State of the German
Reich for five long years during which he was unable to make to his own
homeland the announcement of its liberation. He had to wait with that until the
announcement could he made on the basis of a situation brought about by the
force of arms that the Anschluss had been carried out.
The
moment that Germany's tank divisions and air squadrons had made their
appearance south of the Caucasus, the public appeal requested by the Grand
Mufti could go out to the Arab world.
The
Grand Mufti replied that it was his view that everything would come to pass
just as the Fiihrer had indicated. He was fully reassured and satisfied by the
words which he had heard from the Chief of the German State. He asked, however,
whether it would not be possible. secretly at least, to enter into an agreement
with Germany of the kind he had just outlined for the Fuhrer.
The
Fuhrer replied that he had just now given the Grand Mufti precisely that
confidential declaration.
The
Grand Mufti thanked him for it and stated in conclusion that he was taking his
leave from the Fuhrer in full confidence and with reiterated thanks for the
interest shown in the Arab cause.
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November 1943
al-Husseini greeting Bosnian Waffen-SS volunteers with a Nazi salute. At right
is SS General Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig.
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